The Neocon Past and the Post-Neocon Present

“A group of prominent computer scientists and election lawyers” has studied Donald Trump’s victory in the presidential election and has concluded that voting machine tampering occurred in three key swing states: Wisconsin, Michigan, and Pennsylvania. Perhaps more. The group’s recommendation of an independent election review has fallen on deaf ears, however – the Democrats instead choosing to blame the Russian Federation for Trump’s victory.

This theatre serves to foster the belief that Americans live in a democracy, and thousands of individuals direct millions of dollars to make sure that, in Edward S. Herman’s infamous term, “demonstration elections” fulfil their social-reproduction role in the country.

There was, however, zero possibility that Hillary Clinton would win the White House in last fall’s ritual pantomime. Had further chicanery been necessary, it would have been arranged (as was the case with the 2000 general election that saw the US Supreme Court hand the presidency to George W. Bush).

To understand why those whom founding father John Jay called “the owners of America” ordered the electoral defeat of the Neoconservative, but strongly established, Hillary Clinton, one must go all the way back to the 1970s.

In terms of physical resources and power potential, the American Empire died in 1975 when US forces fled Southeast Asia. The nation had already peaked in energy production, steel production and per capita wages. The future would only bring further decline and debt. Even as this death was dawning upon the power structures of the United States, however, the petrodollar system was expanding and invading trade, finance, and market appropriation. A group of policy advocates already known amongst themselves as the Neoconservatives recognised the potential for renewed imperialism inherent in the petrodollar system, and so pitched to America’s owners another drive (financed by this “free money” machine and wielding all that had been learned about Cold War practices) toward global American hegemony.

In this they were successful.

The first gambit of the Neocons was the overthrow of the government of Afghanistan. That, and the revolution in Iran, allowed these radicals to steal the 1980 US presidential election from incumbent Jimmy Carter. President Reagan, or more accurately Vice-President George H. W. Bush, immediately ended détente and began The Second Cold War. Pressure was applied to the Soviet Union and five years later it began its tragic fall, but no actual evidence exists to suggest that the Reagan Administration’s arms race, or support for rebels fighting in Afghanistan, had any real effect upon the Soviet Union. The Neocons took all credit for the disaster, however; and they were given immense political capital, in the years ensuing, by America’s owners.

Brandishing the laurel of having won The Cold War, the Neoconservatives accelerated their mad, doomed-to-fail, imperial program. They goaded Iraq in 1990, struck Somalia, splintered Yugoslavia (in what was a dry run for the Russian Federation), and fostered Islamic terrorism in the Caucasus. Had the Exxon exploratory energy wells beneath and astride the Caspian Sea not been such a massive disappointment history might have been different. Darkly different. The results came back negative, however, and in a panic (having believed a “second Saudi Arabia” lay under the Caspian) the Neocons turned southwards to conquer the last remaining oil reserves on the planet. In 2001, one must recall, the Russian Federation seemed about to disintegrate.

The Neocons, now under Vice-President Dick Cheney, arranged a casus belli and invaded Afghanistan and Iraq. The original plan entailed a complete redrawing (via serial invasions) of the map of the Middle East, culminating in a triumphant re-conquest of the nation of Iran.

Things did not go according to plan, however.

The wars in Afghanistan and Iraq were not the quick victories that people like US Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld had promised. The planet crossed its production of hydrocarbons peak in 2006; economic activity, thereafter, became a zero-sum game. Consequently, the old magic no longer worked for the Empire’s client states. Resistance to American hegemony grew, but the Neocons could only double-down, for to do otherwise would have initiated economic collapse.

Libya, Syria and Ukraine were the results of this final Neocon throw-of-the-dice. The first opened the world’s eyes to the lie of Western Civilisation; the second will eventually result in America’s greatest defeat since Vietnam; but the third, Ukraine, is what affected the American general election in 2016 the most. The Neoconservatives, who had been the steersmen of US foreign policy for nearly thirty years, were not marked for destruction because of Libya or Syria. Those catastrophes were important, but it was the Ukraine fiasco that actually did the trick.

The so-called Anti-Terrorist Operation by the neo-Nazi US proxy regime in Kiev against the oblasts of Lugansk and Donetsk was the straw that finally broke the camel’s back. For the very first time in history, the Russians decided to defeat the West once and for all. They could see, in the destruction of the cities, towns and villages of the Donbass, what the Neocons intended for them. Sometime in very late 2014 or very early 2015 (perhaps even as the Debaltsevo cauldron closed upon Kiev) the fateful decision was made.

This lead to Russian Federation President Vladimir Putin’s mysterious eleven day disappearance (from roughly the 4^th to the 15^th of March, 2015). The reasons for President Putin’s amazing and never officially explained absence were, by the Western mass media, guessed at in light-hearted fashion. Putin had died. He was fishing. Putin was attending the birth of his love-child. Western special services, however, neither puzzled nor were light-hearted in the least about this episode. Putin’s absence could only mean one thing: he was personally supervising the nuts-and-bolts operational planning of a Russian nuclear first-strike upon the United States and Europe.

As Putin has said, “Fifty years ago, the streets of Leningrad taught me one thing: If a fight is inevitable, you must strike first.”

Western intelligence analysts were staggered by the knowledge, for the United States could not launch its missiles at the Russian Federation without being annihilated in return. Nor in good time could American defence industry engineering place a viable anti-ballistic missile shield between the nation and the Russian strike, which was estimated to occur in late 2018.

The Neocons had made a fatal, fatal error.

A few months later an amazing succession of events occurred. First, there took place the 2015 Victory Day Parade, which marked the 70^th anniversary of the defeat (by the Soviet Union) of Nazi Germany. In this parade, Russian Defence Minister Sergey Shoigu, a Tuvan Buddhist by faith, made the sign of the cross in Eastern Orthodox fashion, thus commending himself and all his fellow Russians to the hands of God in the coming war with the United States. Second, there was the sudden and prepared-in-panic visit by US Secretary of State John Kerry to Sochi, where he endeavoured to convince his Russian counterparts that it was all a big misunderstanding (the United States had no designs against the Russian Federation, none at all!).

Almost a year afterwards, on March 23^rd, 2016, the United States was forced to do something more substantial than simply to declare its benign intentions toward the Russian Federation and its allies. Once again, John Kerry arrived in Russia, this time with a conspicuous briefcase handcuffed to his wrist. A flutter of jokes aired in the media as regards the contents of this briefcase, and President Putin suggested smilingly that it must be stuffed with American dollars. In fact, Kerry’s briefcase contained the substance of the US surrender to the Russian Federation (in return for its calling off the Russian nuclear first strike on the US). European elites dissolved into sputtering confusion, for they knew that without their input the US had returned Eastern Europe, the Baltics, the Balkans, and Georgia to Russia’s sphere of influence. The empty threats immediately following Donald Trump’s placement at the helm of US foreign policy echoes this consternation.

One of the concrete, specific, substantive terms of this surrender was that the Neoconservatives be destroyed as a force in American politics. This destruction could only be accomplished via a new, almost “third-party”, administration in the White House. The destroyer, the former Democrat and current Republican repudiated by both establishment (and hence Neocon) political parties Donald Trump, watched calmly as the events of November 8^th unfolded . . .

. . . almost as though there was zero possibility of his losing the White House.

There was zero possibility because he did not “win” the 2016 general election in the United States; Trump was placed in office by the owners of America, lest they lose all they have in a nuclear holocaust.

It is important to stress, in closing, that the rigged 2016 ersatz election in the United States may have had to take place in the manner that it did so that the Neoconservative Clinton-Bush political machine could be defeated. Even in defeat, this political gang wields enormous power. The termination of FBI Director James Comey, who has made a career of protecting the Clinton crime syndicate from criminal prosecution, is evidence of this.

But the Russian Federation is able to counter the power of the Neocons, it possesses weapons systems (such as the Sarmat ICBM, Object 4202, and the S500 missile defence complex) for which the United States of America has absolutely no answer.

Consider the failure of the early April Tomahawk cruise missile strike on the Syrian air base.

Consider the Trump administration climb downs (both in Syria, Ukraine and North Korea) since April 7^th.

Consider what the owners of America must have threatened after (on April 26^th, 2017) Lt. Gen. Viktor Poznihir, the Deputy Chief of the Main Operations Directorate of the Russian Armed Forces, announced before attendees of the Moscow International Security Conference that the Operations Command of the Russian General Staff had concluded that Washington was preparing a nuclear first strike on Russia.

That announcement put Washington on notice, and since then the Trump Administration has recovered its focus upon détente.