On the Establishment of the Algeria-Beijing-Moscow Strategic Pole for Development and Security in the Mediterranean/Sahel/Africa

Introduction

Contemporary international relations remind us of the consequences of global geo-economic and geopolitical unification and the consequent shift in the balance of power.

Although multipolarity has not yet become an established strategic reality and is not perceived as a norm that can lead to balanced and peaceful interregional or even interstate relations, the rise and/or return of nations in Asia and Eurasia determines the geostrategic restoration of the balance in the entire MENA¹ region.

The states of this region, seeking to integrate into the world economy on the best possible terms and undertaking the corresponding economic and social transformations, are looking for partners who can guarantee a long-term inflow of investment and play an active role in maintaining a peaceful and balanced order. Such a vision of peace favours bilateral and regional cooperative development and may determine paths for enhanced interregional cooperation between Mediterranean/Gulf countries, Maghreb-Sahel/Mashriq/Persian Gulf, or between Mediterranean/Africa/Persian Gulf countries. In any case, we are talking about the links between Asia and Eurasia².

Preliminary chapter:

For several years now, a strategic "surveying" of Africa has shown that its "pathology" is indeed caused by external military interventions and hostilities on its territory, and one can clearly see the correlation between cause and effect here. Unbiased observers and experts from various research centres provided analysis and comments on social strategy related to security issues. They paid special attention to the countries of the Sahel region.

But because these studies are capturing the picture within the continent, they do not address the root of the problem, related to the strategy of the foreign powers and the new geopolitics of hegemony and connivance of the global empire (USA) and several other stakeholders (the UK, France, and the monarchies of the Persian Gulf). They emphasize ethnic aspects and especially highlight the anthropological approach of the "colonial school, whose doors are still open," producing religious concepts of retrograde nature. In doing so, they use terms such as jihadist, terrorist, or fanatic. In other words, they use a vocabulary typical of the rhetoric of the Western right and the rhetorical logic of the American and French neoconservatives (their supporters, Sarkozy, and F. Hollande).

Following the new strategic thinking based on the doctrine of intervention that applies in the international arena, some powers have intervened in the internal affairs of Africa, whether the United Nations approved it.

From the beginning, France was taking part in its 55th military intervention since independence. Alone or in coalition with other countries, NATO, and the United States (Libya and Northern Mali), acting according to a logic that was supposed to lead to a Post-Operation “Serval” process, implemented and accompanied by a new geopolitical project of neo-colonial domination. This project was developed following the example of the 5+5 project in the Western Mediterranean, but expanded to 5+5+5: G5, Sahel and Maghreb countries (5), Latin sisters (5), whose new military operation "Barkhan" is its strategic centre of gravity.

Algeria's vision of fighting so zealously for its independence, its good offices policy, and its mediation have made it an indispensable diplomatic actor in resolving crises and conflicts in Africa, especially in the Sahel and Sahara regions. Algeria's experience with terrorism has shown that al-Qaida is the matrix of Akmi in the Maghreb and the Sahel, Boko Haram in Nigeria and the Islamic State in Syria, states of barbarism and terrorism.

1) Algeria as the regional pillar of Africa:

In such circumstances, Algeria plays the role of a regional strategic pillar. Its obvious advantages are its military power and economic resources, but that is not all: its leading role in the fight against terrorism, its role as mediator in regional conflicts, especially in the Sahel and Libya, and its special position in the integration process of African countries make it an important partner in subregional development projects and other aspects they are interconnected by. Algeria has built strong relations with the European Union, balanced relations with the United States and China, and has a special relationship with Russia because of Algeria’s history.

As Algeria has long been a key player in the Non-Aligned Movement, contributing to international peacekeeping and disarmament initiatives, playing a significant role in peacekeeping bodies (since 2016 Algeria has chaired the First UN Committee, which is tasked with matters of disarmament and international security) it is particularly involved in partnerships within countries of the Global South. Therefore, Algeria is often asked to take an active part in resolving crises and conflicts in the MENA region³.

technologies and renewable energy sector. Russia plays a leading role in the gas industry, heavy industry and seeks to develop balanced relations (non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, investment in local infrastructure, training of local specialists, technology transfer)⁴.

2) Russia's triumphant return to Africa:

Russia's return will, of course, affect Africa. Moscow has given good thought to this decision, using the positive experience of the former Soviet Union. This return caused a storm of comments from Western think tanks. However, this move by Moscow is based not so much on a hegemonic strategy and large-scale plans for domination, as on a new "win-win" vision coming from market laws and geo-economic demands⁵.

After the settlement of differences that arose during the Soviet period, the conclusion of a treaty on strategic cooperation (1996) and the establishment of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (2001), Russia and China have organized a number of forums, multilateral organizations, and mechanisms to lay a solid foundation to their strategic "honeymoon".

Cooperation became especially active after Russia, under sanctions from the European Union and the United States (2014), began to receive Chinese investments. China has invested in energy projects such as the Yamal and Power of Siberia gas pipeline, as well as the so-called Meridian Route, a 2,000-kilometre version of the Russian Eurasian Silk Road. “Meridian" runs from the Russian-Kazakh border and intersects with the "Belarus" highway, which connects Minsk and Moscow.

This "pivot to Asia," which President Putin constantly stresses in his official speeches, has a solid foundation, and it will determine what the twenty-first century will be like for Russia.

With the launch of the Belt and Road Initiative and Moscow's growing interest in Chinese projects, the reluctance of some African countries can be overcome with the support of Russian diplomacy, because Russia has a better understanding of China as such. China promises to invest more than $1,000 billion in the construction of railroads, motorways, pipelines, and fibre optic cables linking Asia to Europe and further connecting to Africa⁶ . It is considering this strategic environment that the question of expanding inter- regional cooperation, particularly in the direction of Algeria-Moscow-Beijing, must be raised.

But in addition to investment opportunities and bilateral and then interregional joint development projects, Russia often talks about the crucial role Algeria plays in the Arab world and the cooperation with African nations that will be possible thanks to Algeria. Algeria is often referred to as the "gateway to Africa" because of its geostrategic location, but because of its human, financial and energy resources, which make such cooperation possible.

Relations between Algeria and Moscow are rooted in the history of the two countries. Moscow supported the revolutionary struggle for the independence of Algeria, from the 1960s it contributed to its construction and development and through its cooperation helped the young republic to become a military power (supply of complex equipment, training, financial aid to the tune of nearly 11 billion between 1962 and 1989). After the end of the Cold War, in the 2000s, relations between the two countries were revived, and in 2006, during his historic visit to Algeria, Russian President Vladimir Putin signed a strategic cooperation agreement (it was the first visit by a Russian president since 1969). The partnership between the two countries extends into the defence sector (for Russia, Algeria is the third largest arms supplier in the world) and the gas sector (exploration of gas fields, gas production, upgrading national infrastructure, gas pipelines). But this cooperation is also based on common political views and principles: respect for the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of other states; maintaining the unity and historical borders of the states of the region (Libya, Syria, Yemen); settlement of colonial conflicts (Western Sahara, Palestine); the fight against terrorism.⁷

3) China's strategic penetration into Africa:

In our complex, ever-changing world, international relations play a crucial role, redefining the logic of the relationships between the national and the international structures.

In the case of the Chinese global project (chineseization of the world), the international level is by no means a secondary external factor, bringing only minor adjustments to local problems. It appears as a pervasive inner reality that determines the lives of states, societies, and individuals.

Along with Chinese great-state diplomacy, which is designed for great nations, "peripheral" diplomacy "has been a precursor of great Chinese strategic perceptions since the emergence of the Silk Road.”

One can wonder, if the special interest in Algeria lies in the economic relations with North Africa and Algeria itself, in which China is interested and which it seeks to establish through the geopolitical and geostrategic expansion of the Chinese Silk Road policy?

From the beginning, China's maritime and commercial expansion anticipated China's aspirations to become a world maritime power, able to deploy its forces and operate anywhere in the world. It is difficult to determine the cause-and-effect of relationships between China and Algeria. These bilateral relations date back more than sixty years, and they began with the independence of Algeria. Algeria's relations with China developed incredibly quickly, and after a while Paris ceded its place as a major supplier to China for the first time.

The Celestial Empire is the partner of Algeria's dreams. It has become its main economic partner.

Some analysts are still unable to fully understand China's colossal Belt and Road project, which is supposed to begin the chineseization of the new globalised world⁸, while others see them certainly in a global logic for the concretization of a new project, where China under treats the United States, it is about the USA and their allies, to avoid Russia and its three accesses to East Asia; Northern Way, BAM and Trans-Siberian Railway. For this purpose, thanks to the efforts of most of the states that were once part of the USSR, a new direction was created.

However, the strategic complementarity of the two Eurasian powers remains unchanged: Russia and China share a common vision of international relations.

This geopolitical solidarity is reflected in that both powers support each other in most international forums, in the Security Council, where they always vote a certain way to avoid international sanctions. This explains their interest in Africa's development, and it also becomes clear why the Chinese presence in Djibouti is now considered a military one.

In the international arena, this would be conducive to China's continuing strained relations with the EU, NATO, and the United States, as well as scrupulous adherence to the principles of national sovereignty and non- interference in conflicts. All this is supported by the denial of a new hegemon — the American global empire⁹.

Conclusion:

A possible converging of Algeria and Moscow in the current context of tensions in the MENA region, caused by the ongoing conflicts in Libya, the Sahel, Yemen and Syria, as well as in the larger Mediterranean area (Cyprus, Western Sahara) and the tightening of the US sanctions against Iran, de facto of international scale, could benefit not only the parties involved, but also the entire region. If Russia and Algeria participated in conflict resolution as mediators or direct actors, together with other countries in the region, they could play a significant role in establishing a peaceful order oriented toward reconstruction and development. They are also two of the key players in the global production of liquefied natural gas, which is becoming the most sought-after fuel on the market, especially in Asia. Far from the logic of "cartels," these two producers, together with all members of the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF), can contribute to the emergence of new configurations and standards in the regulation of the international market. In the same spirit, the convergence of the two states' views on the preservation of international norms that until recently were respected by the entire international community (before the events in Libya), namely the principle of good faith in bilateral and multilateral negotiations, the principle of non-intervention, in particular the control of new means of destabilization (cyber influence/cyber war, soft power), as well as the use of sanctions and blockades should be considered.

1. Abdelaziz Djerad "La géopolitique Repères et Enjeux, édition 2016 ,p.75.

2. Ibid, p.92

3. ibid, p.150

4. Note. IFRI Russie Nei.Visions 114,p.8.

5. ibid, p.10

6. Note. IFRI Russie Nei.Visions 112, p.10

7. ibid, p.8

8. Xavier Richet in Recherches Internationales issue 110, July-September 2017, pp.77-104.

9. "Diplomatie," Special Issue No. 100, September-October 2019, pp. 62